Vol. 4 - 2007
contents anale 2007.pdf
MONEDA CU DOUĂ FEŢE: FEDERALISMUL CENTRALEUROPEAN ÎN CONCEPŢIA ELITELOR POLITICE INTERBELICE
Drd. Daniel Citirigă
Abstract: A comprised analysis of the most important political characters of Central Europe as regards the issue of federalism emphasizes at least two well-defined trends: on one hand, if we take into consideration the geographical aspect, the elites of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire operate a State perspective having as basis federal principles, while on the opposing side upholders of centralism are to be found. The paradox appears due to the political culture that was the basis for the maintainers of federalism theories. From a different perspective it is important to underline the fact according to which the reasons for the analysis of federal structures differ depending on the new condition of the involved state at the end of the First World War: the defeated states had as target the maintaining of certain "sacred" territories, while the victorious ones aimed either the remaking of ancient entities or sought a defensive method for the external threats or, why not the territorial expansion under what can be named "small powers imperialism".
Rezumat: Pornind de la premisa că definirea Europei Centrale reprezintă obiectul unei îndelungate controverse ştiinţifice şi politice am organizat acest studiu pe spaţii geopolitice/statale. Nu am considerat necesar, însă, să eliminăm cazurile de întrepătrundere fenomenologică. În acest context, este obligatoriu să precizăm că am optat pentru formula geopolitică a Europei Centrale care se
referă la spaţiul dintre Germania şi Rusia, fără Austria, pe care am considerat-o după Primul Război Mondial drept obiect al sferei de influenţă civilizaţională germane.În ceea ce priveşte o viziune proprie asupra federalismului centraleuropean, este necesar să subliniem că numărul personalităţilor impresionează ci, în special, poziţia lor politică.
Keywords: federalism, elites, Central Europe, nationalism.
POLITICA DE EXTINDERE A UNIUNII EUROPENE – PROBLEMĂ MAJORĂ A ÎNCEPUTULUI DE SECOL XXI
Drd. Elena – Loredana Mirea
Abstract: The fall of the socialist block as a consequence of the events from the end of 1989 determined the orientation of the states of Central and Eastern Europe towards democracy and market economy, more exactly to West. Therefore, the fall of the Soviet Union along with the system imposed by it determined the fact according to which the recently „liberated" states had confronted with a serios crisis that was marked by features such as economic chaos, pollution of environment, cime, immigration and even military conflicts. The opposite pole was represented by Europe Union characterized by modernity and security that eventually had become a major player within the context of international relations by means of various actions of prevention and crisis management, economic collaboration, humanitarian and emergency aid, neighborhood policy and preaccession expenditure. The shifting of perspective as regards postcommunist states towards the West, the need to change own systems according to the Western pattern (in which features such as freedom, democracy, state law, market economy are important ) along with their intention to join the Union have all been labelled by the Austrian Erhard Busek as „the great return of East in Europe".
Rezumat: Prăbuşirea blocului socialist în urma evenimentelor de la sfârşitul anului 1989 a determinat orientarea statelor Europei Centrale şi de Est către democraţie şi economie de piaţă, mai exact către Occident. Astfel, în urma căderii Uniunii Sovietice şi a sistemului impus de aceasta, statele abia „eliberate" s-au confruntat cu o puternică criză pe toate planurile, criză caracterizată prin
haos economic, poluarea mediului, crimă organizată, imigraţie şi chiar conflicte militare. La polul opus se afla Uniunea Europeană caracterizată la rândul său, prin modernizare şi securitate şi devenită un actor principal pe scena relaţiilor internaţionale prin multiplele sale acţiuni de prevenire şi gestionare a crizelor, cooperare economică, ajutor umanitar şi de urgenţă, politică de vecinătate şi cheltuieli de preaderare.
Keywords: enlargement policy, security, crisis, enlargement policy, conflict.
NATO ŞI RĂZBOIUL DIN BOSNIA ŞI HERŢEGOVINA
Abstract: The cessation of hostilities implied more than a armistice and might be said to have marked the very beginning of a process of reform and reconstruction during which the abilities of self-government were developed along with the destruction of arms and ammunition and the judgement of war criminals. Therefore, former belligerents succeeded in creating the terms of a dialog by means of structures and instruments of the democratic process as well as the perspective of a prosperous and peaceful future.It is important to mention that all above mentiond facts were supported by Bosnian authorities and international communities that involved both millitary and civilian actions. The image of Bosnia and Hercegovina is perceived at present as being a positive one. A return to the hostilities from the beginning of the 90s' of the last century is a fact that cannot be imagined. However, actions and deeds are still to be taken. During the last decade Bosnia-Hercegovina realized a remarkable progress by changing the position of a state that bore the marks of war into a status which aims at integration within the framewok of Euro-Atlantic institutions. The conflict between Bosnia and Hercegovina has determined NATO to take the ledge to maintain peace, thus changing the position that was assumed during the Cold War into a factor in the counterbalance of communist bloc alliance of the Warsow Pact.
Rezumat: Scânteia care a aprins conflictul a fost Kosovo, datorită tensiunilor dintre populaţia albaneză majoritară (90%) si sârbii. Tensiunile au escaladat odata cu prilejul împlinirii a celei de-a 600 aniversare a Bătăliei din Kosovo (1389), unde sârbii si aliaţii lor au fost înfrânţi de către Imperiul Otoman. În aprilie 1987, Slobodan Milošević, care a fost ales Preşedinte al Prezidiului Comitetului Central al Ligii Comuniştilor din Serbia în 1986, a călătorit în Kosovo. În întâlnirile cu liderii sârbi şi locali într-un discurs în faţa unei mulţime
de sârbi, Slobodan Milošević aprobat un Program naţionalist sârb.
Keywords: conflict, hostilities, Euro-Atlantic integration, alliance, sovereign state.
NATO, TERORISMUL CONTEMPORAN ŞI SECURITATEA NAŢIONALĂ
Drd. Marius-George Cojocaru
Abstract: The establishment of North Atlantic Alliance has determined a continuous fight to ensure the freedom and security of its members through political and military means during the Cold War. This fight, mainly directed towards Soviet Union, remained
without target after its disappearance. Accordingly, NATO had to redirect the policy and to explain the activity taking into consideration the fact according to which the Warsaw Treaty was dissolved. The fall of former Yugoslavia justified in front of public opinion the actions of the Alliance that was transformed into a force for the maintenance of peace being(or not) under UNO mandate. A new transformation of NATO occurred after September 2001 when the main direction of the policy of North Atlantic Alliance became the fight against terrorism of any kind. Nowadays, a part of NATO member states (Spain, Turkey, Great Britain) confronts in various regions (where it doesn't exist an ethnic congestion, there is at least a minority ethnic group) with claims related to independence as regards the majority ethnic group and which make themselves heard by means of terrorist acts. These acts represent instability sources that contribute together with economic- financial, political, military, social, cultural and environmental aspects.
Rezumat: De la momentul înfiinţării sale Alianţa Nord Atlantică a dus o luptă continuă pentru a asigura libertatea şi securitatea membrilor săi, prin mijloace politice şi militare, pe toată durata Războiului Rece. Această luptă, îndreptată mai ales împotriva Uniunii Sovietice, a rămas fără obiect după dispariţia acesteia. Aşadar, NATO a trebuit să-şi reorienteze politica, să-şi explice activitatea în
condiţiile în care şi Tratatul de la Varşovia se dizolvase. Prăbuşirea fostei Iugoslavii a justificat în faţa opiniei publice acţiunile Alianţei care se transformase într-o forţă de menţinere a păcii aflată (sau nu) sub mandat ONU.
Keywords: instability, crisis, terrorism, security.
GEOPOLITICĂ REGIONALĂ – DOBROGEA DE SUD ÎN CONTEXTUL ANULUI 1913. MĂRTURII DE EPOCĂ
Dr. Stoica Lascu
Abstract: The outcome of the two Balkan wars (1912-1913; 1913) involved new ratio of forces that was established among the states in the region while Romania might be said to have assumed the position to reunify Dobrudja and to reintegrate its Southern part which it had conceded to Bulgaria in 1878, with the rest of the territory between the Danube and the Black Sea under its administration. In 1913, Romanians were wellacquainted with the history, the traditions, the geostrategy as well as the national and cultural importance of having the land of New Dobrudja (or the Quadrilater, as Southern Dobrudja was known) restored to its original condition.
Abordarea ştiinţifică a trecutului poporului şi Statului Român, într-o percepţie contemporană lipsită de prejudecăţi ideologice şi inhibiţii naţionalteritoriale, reclamă, fără îndoială, apelul la metode de investigare şi mijloace de exprimare apte de a o susţine documentar şi ideatic. Un asemenea demers este cu atât mai necesar atunci când i se subsumează o cercetare asupra trecutului unei părţi a pământului românesc vitregit de Istorie, astăzi nemaifăcând parte din trupul unitar al Ţării; mai mult, vreme de o jumătate de veac, începând din 1940, existenţa sa a fost aproape complet ignorată de cercetarea istoriografică românească, răstimp în care, însă, specialiştii bulgari au depus o laborioasă activitate de cercetare, cunoaştere şi redare a istoriei Iujnei Dobrudja, respectiv a
Dobrogei de Sud (sau Cadrilaterul).
Keywords: Dobrudja, Quadrilater, geopolitics, travel notes, press.
IMAGINEA EVREILOR DIN CONSTANŢA ÎN PRESA INTERBELICĂ LOCALĂ
Dr. Florin Stan
Abstract: This title represents a brief image concerning some aspects of the Constanţa newspapers from the interwar period regarding the Jews from this town. This incursion may help at the outlining of their image as they were perceived by the local journalists from that time and obviously by the local newspapers readers. As a conclusion, some may appreciate that the Constanţa's Jews image from the
interwar period pinpoints in the first line, a well-known ethnic group, came into their own social, economical and cultural relations from their town. In the second line, it is proved that between the Jew origins population and local Romanian inhabitants there was a beautiful collaboration, as it is confirmed including by some contemporary oral proves.
Rezumat: După formarea statului naţional unitar român la sfârşitul anului 1918, în perioada interbelică statutul evreilor din România s-a modificat în sensul acordării drepturilor cuvenite oricărui cetăţean român, etnicii de origine israelită primind acum în bloc cetăţenia română1. Se făcuse trecerea de la liberalismul censitar la democraţia modernă. O privire sumară asupra unor repere ale presei constănţene din perioada interbelică, cu referire la evreii din localitate, ne poate ajuta să conturăm o imagine a acestora în percepţia gazetarilor vremii şi, evident, a cititorilor presei locale.
Keywords: jews, Constanta, interwar, newspapers.
TĂTARII ŞI SEPARATISMUL CRIMEEAN
Abstract: The declaration of independence of Ukraine on 24 of August 1991 was the very moment that marked the region of Crimea with a series of issues in respect of the authorities of Kiev. The complexity of the situation in point of the above mentioned region might be said to have been the result of the contribution of several factors. The presence of a Russian majority in the peninsula favorized the appearance of a movement that had as distinct aims the realization of an overall autonomy and even the separation from Ukraine. The strategic importance determined the involvement of Russia that, by means of policy of the naval base from Sevastopol, supported the Russian separatist movement. The affiliation of Crimea called forth serious debates. Untill 1954 the mentioned region was part of the URSS and the date of 19th of February marked its assignment to R.S.S. Ukraine. The return of Crimean Tartars which was one of the
deported nations by the order of Stalin contributed significally to the tenseness of the situation. The issue of Crimean separatism appeared after the division of URSS and influenced Ukraine the political, economical and social areas. The geostrategic influence of the Crimean position determined the involvement of Turkey that ulterior became the ally of Ukraine. If for Ukraine the interest as regars the situation of Tartars is only part of the policy of peace maintenance of the peninsula within its own borders, for Turkey the lobby of diaspora and the involvement of certain Tartar personalities in the political, cultural and economic domanis has greatly contributed in respect of external decisions of Turkey.
Rezumat: De la declararea independenţei Ucrainei la 24 august 1991, Crimeea a fost regiunea care a creat cele mai mari probleme autorităţilor de la Kiev. Complexitatea situaţiei din această zonă a fost determinată de mai mulţi factori. Prezenţa unei majorităţi ruse în peninsulă a favorizat apariţia unei mişcări care dorea o mai mare autonomie sau chiar separarea de Ucraina. Importanţa strategică a determinat implicarea Rusiei care în politica de păstrarea a bazei navale de la Sevastopol a sprijinit mişcarea separatistă rusă. Apartenenţa Crimeei a stârnit alte dezbateri. Până în 1954 aceasta a fost parte a URSS, la 19 februarie fiind transferată în administraţia R.S.S. Ucraina.
Keywords: Crimean separatism, political crisis, new order, protest act.
ISTORIA – INSTRUMENT DE ÎNŢELEGERE A PREZENTULUI...
Dr. Mariana Cojoc
Abstract: On the 16th of March 2007 the Faculty of History and Political Sciences as part of Constanta „Ovidius" University organized in the Senate Hall the debate with the title „The Tismăneanu Report – political document or scientific paper?", event that was one among other ongoing activities of the above mentioned faculty in accordance with its corresponding research programme, perspective and teaching mission quite notorious nowadays. Th steering committee includes the follwoing members: Professor Ph.D Marian Cojoc, Associated professor Florin Anghel, Associated professor Ph.D Daniel Flaut, Associated professor Ph.D Marioara Cojoc, Lecturer candidate for doctoral degree Marius Cojocaru, Lecturer candidate for doctoral degree Cristian Moşnianu, Lecturer candidate for doctoral degree Oana Tătaru, candidate for doctoral degree Daniel Citirigă, candidate for doctoral degree Mihaela Melinte, assistant professor candidate for doctoral degree Enache Tuşa, Referent Ph.D Mădălina Voinea. The list of participants included students, MA students and candidats for doctoral degree of „Ovidius" University was honoured by the presence of university professors of important institutes, researchers, historians and mass-media representatives. The debate was moderated by the following: Professor Ph.D Daniel Barbu, Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Bucharest, director, Institute of Political Research, University of Bucharest and Professor Ph.D Marian Cojoc, dean of Faculty of History and Political Sciences, „Ovidius" University of Constanta; academician Şerban Papacostea, Associate Professor of „Ovidius"University. Constanta. Moreover, the higer level of discussion was assured by the Professor Ph.D Victor Ciupină, rector of Constanta „Ovidius" University; Professor Ph.D Ioan Scurtu, Faculty of History, University of Bucharest, assistant director of „Romanian Revolution Institute from December 1989"; Professor Ph.D Gheorghe Buzatu, Faculty of History, University of Craiova; Associated professor Ph.D Puiu Haşotti, Faculty of History and Political Sciences, „Ovidius" University of Constanta; Associated professor Ph.D Florin Anghel, Faculty of History and Political Sciences, „Ovidius" University of Constanta; Professor Ph.D Valentin Ciorbea, Department Head of Modern, contemporary history and Political Sciences History, Faculty of History and Political Sciences, „Ovidius"University of Constanta; Professor Ph.D Constantin Hlihor, Defence National University „Carol I" of Bucharest; Professor Ph.D Ana Bazac, Bucharest Polytechnic University; Adrian Petcu, member C.N.S.A.S.; George Enache, member C.N.S.A.S.; Csaba Zoltàn Novàk, „Gheorghe Şincai" Institute of Socio-Human Sciences, Târgu Mureş, Romanian Academy; Paul Andreescu, president of Association of Romanian Former Political Prisoners, filial of Constanta; Mircea Suciu, director of the „Files of
History"; Dorin Matei, chief-editor of „Historic magazine"; Cosmin Popa, director of „NEWSIN" Agency; Dan Manolache, „Radio Romania News". It is important to mention the fact according to which the invited persons are presented withe the position corresponding to 16th March 2007. Without emphasizing the scientific importance of the event, the issue under discussion, the opinions sustained or the conclusions that were reached, the author presents the document of debate from 16th of Martie 2007. The significance of the event
along with the ideas sustained in the Senate Hall of „Ovidius" University will be reasonable or not in a time of contemporary historiography that is subsumed in the mission of the historian to record the facts of respective period.
Rezumat: În ziua de 16 martie 2007, Facultatea de Istorie şi Ştiinţe Politice din Universitatea „Ovidius" Constanţa, a organizat în sala Senatului dezbaterea cu titlul „Raportul Tismăneanu – document politic sau lucrare ştiinţifică?", eveniment încadrat în seria activităţilor derulate de facultatea menţionată în concordanţă cu planul propriu de cercetare, viziunea şi misiunea didactică, astăzi, de notorietate.
Colectivul de organizare a fost alcătuit din: prof.univ.dr. Marian Cojoc, conf.univ.dr. Florin Anghel, conf.univ.dr. Daniel Flaut, conf.univ.dr. Marioara Cojoc, lect.univ.drd. Marius Cojocaru, lect.univ.drd. Cristian Moşnianu, lect.univ.drd. Oana Tătaru, asist.univ.drd. Daniel Citirigă, asist.univ.drd. Mihaela Melinte, asist.univ.drd. Enache Tuşa, referent dr. Mădălina Voinea.
POLITICI EUROPENE PENTRU ROMÂNIA. REPERE PENTRU POLITICA MARITIMĂ INTEGRATĂ
Dr. Mariana Cojoc
Abstract: Beginning with 2007, the Faculty of History and Political Sciences, „Ovidius" University of Constanta launched a series of debates, scientific activities under the title: European policies for Romania. In this respect, on the 29th of May 2007 the Senate Hall
hosted the following debate with the naming: The Green Card of Maritime Policy – Toward a future maritime policy in point of the Union: a European perspective concerning oceans and seas was set for debate for a period of an year. The purpose of the document can be labeled as realistic: „This Green Card intends to launch a debate in respect of a future Maritime Policy of EU that would eventually approach the oceans and seas in a holistic manner. It is important to emphasize the fact according to which the above-mentioned Green Card will stress the continual use of the benefits possible only by means of respect among them in a moment in which their resources are threatened by severe pressures and our technological abilities to exploit them that seem to undergo a process of advance.. The accelerated reduction of marine biodiversity, due to pollution, the impact on climate changes and over-fishing represent particular alarm signs that cannot be ignored. The Green Card is based on the existing policies and initiatives of the European Union that are combined with Lisbon strategy that intend to reach a certain equilibrium between economic, social and environment dimension of lasting development. Moreover, The Green Card is expected to contribute to a new awareness from the side of European citizens as regards the importance of their maritime heritage, the significance of oceans in people's lives and their potential to determine welfare and economic opportunities", starting from the idea expressed in the Introduction of the document that stipulates the following: „It is estimated that a figure of about 3 and 5% from the Gross domestic product is generated by the maritime industries and services and not including the value of raw material such as oil, gas or fish. Maritime regions totals more than 40% of Gross Domestic Product". On 10th of October2007 the following document The Communication of the Commission toward the European Parliament, Council, Economic and Social European Committee and the Committee of Regions. The conclusions regarding the European maritime policy that included the „astonishing reactions" (…) „as well as the magnitude of participation in point of the process of consultation". In fact, at that time, The Commission published the „An integrated maritime policy in point of the European Union". It is important to mention the conclusions of the General Affairs Council and External Relations from the 16-17th of November 2009 that recognized "the advance of the last two years in the field of integrated maritime policy" along with the integrated approval of maritime affairs. The integrated maritime policy involves, according to the Regulation Proposal of the European Parliament and the Establishing Council of a program as regards the support of continual development of an integrated maritime policy (29th of October 2010) the promotion of a pansectorial approach of maritime governess, thus, „encouraging the identification and exploit of synergies from all EU
policies that refer to oceans, seas, coast regions and maritime zones, particularly the policies that involve fields such as environment, maritime transport, energy, research, industry, fishing and regional policies". Further on, the author mentions the fact according to which on 10th of June 2009 the Commission has launched the Strategy in point of the development as regards the Baltic Sea region, being based on the following characteristics: environment sustainability, the promotion of innovation, accessibility, safety, the Commission thus suggesting the support of this cooperation by means of already existing initiatives such as the Northern Dimension", concerted policy for EU, Russia, Norway and Iceland, given that the above mentioned strategy was the first global strategy elaborated by EU. If one takes into consideration that historical details were not quite displayed is important to stress the fact according to which the author supports the idea of Romania as the country that possesses a valuable tradition as regards the management of maritime and Danubian area by just referring to the Romanian maritime ports starting with the second half of the XIX century and the first half of the XX century, tradition that, unfortunately, nowadays seems not to interest or, more likely, to count for the markers. In this context, the debate of the European document that had been launched in 2006 determined the appearance of various opinions of the teaching
staff from different Romanian research centers, representatives of national institutions that might be significant for the support of a real Integrated Maritime Policy.
Rezumat: Începând cu anul 2007, Facultatea de Istorie şi Ştiinţe Politice, Universitatea „Ovidius" Constanţa, a lansat seria dezbaterilor intitulate generic: Politici europene pentru România. În acest sens, la 29 mai 2007, în Sala Senatului a Universităţii s-a desfăşurat manifestarea ştiintifică: Cartea Verde a Politicii Maritime – Către o viitoare politică maritimă pentru Uniune: o viziune europeană privind oceanele şi mările. Documentul a fost lansat spre dezbatere timp de un an, odată cu adoptarea acestuia de către Comisia Europeană la 7 iunie 2006. Scopul său, după cum se poate observa din text este unul de factură pur realistă: „Această Carte Verde intenţionează să lanseze o dezbatere cu privire la o viitoare Politică Maritimă a U.E., care să trateze oceanele şi mările într-o manieră holistică. Va
sublinia faptul că, folosirea continuă a beneficiilor pe care le oferă acestea va fi posibilă numai printr-un profund respect pentru ele, într-un moment în care resursele lor sunt ameninţate de presiuni severe şi de abilităţile noastre tehnologice din ce în ce mai mari de a le exploata. Reducerea accelerată a biodiversităţii marine, în mare parte din cauza poluării, impactului schimbărilor climaterice şi pescuitului exagerat reprezintă semnale de alarmă pe care nu le putem ignora.